10 May 2019

TRUMP WINS --UNLESS ... .


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First, I need to pat myself in the back. On 20 March, 2019, one month before Mueller submitted his report, I posted my blog opinion on how Trump would try to scotch Mueller. I wrote that Trump has come up with "Plan B" -- block everything in the Mueller report because it is "subject to Executive Privilege."

And now, after earlier telling McGahn not to testify, Trump has gone whole hog and iced the entire report on those grounds. The result? Barr skipped his testimony before the house, and private citizen McGahn says he will obey Trump and he won't show up either.

Trump makes contradictory statements every hour, but the major tactic of delay, delay, delay remains the core of his plan.

So what will happen?

The House will hold Barr and McGahn in contempt of Congress, the US Attorney will refuse to prosecute, (they almost always do, and besides, if he did, Trump would pardon the defendant), and Congress will be left with one realistic remedy: seek a court order directing McGahn and Barr to testify and produce the subpoenaed documents. If Nadler could win such an order, the respondents would have to obey or be guilty of civil contempt of court, and be subject to jail until they complied. That is not a criminal conviction and Trump has no power to pardon. I'm guessing Barr does not look good in orange, he does not wish to be in a jail cell adjacent to contemnor Chelsea Manning, and he will fold.

This produces two questions:

1. Will the courts require compliance with the House subpoenas? Most lawyers who are not on Trump's payroll agree that Trump's claim of Executive Privilege is meritless. I mean real lawyers, not Giulianies. Real lawyers, the kind who take notes, not the Roy Cohns.

But ... .

Ahh, the "but." Let's assume the District Court and the Court of Appeals each rule in favor of Congress. Then, for sure, the case will go to the Supremes, where this President may be playing on his home turf. After all, he has a majority of conservatives -- two of whom are his appointees, Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh, and the latter earned in his nomination by his ardent advocacy of Executive Power.

What do the other Justices think about the issue of Congressional subpoena power vs. President's claim of Executive Privilege? A unanimous Supreme Court ruled against Richard Nixon's claim of executive privilege regarding a grand jury subpoena in 1973, but none of those Justices are on the Court today, and these facts are a lot different.

That is not to say the Executive Privilege vs. Congressional subpoena question has not been before the courts. There are a number of cases, and virtually all support Congress. But the most significant one today may be the case decided in 1981. Here's that story:

President Ronald Reagan, who campaigned on a promise to pare down the size of the government, appointed a Colorado lawyer/politician named Anne Burford as Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency. Her brief tenure was a disaster. As described by The NY Times, she "inherited one of the most efficient and capable agencies in the United States government and turned it into an Augean stable, reeking of cynicism, mismanagement, and decay."

One of the great scandals of the day was the mismanagement of the Superfund designed to ameliorate serious toxic waste hot spots. The House subpoenaed Ms. Burford to produce documents related to that subject, and Reagan asserted Executive Privilege and directed Burford to refuse to comply. The result was she became the first cabinet member ever to be found in contempt of congress. The vote was not close: 259-105. But before the House could send the document certifying her contempt to the U.S. Attorney for prosecution as a criminal contempt, the Department of Justice obtained a temporary injunction barring that transmission.

The District Court dismissed the DOJ's suit as meritless, the White House folded and coughed up the documents. Burford quit and bitterly complained about the Congressional investigation and the whole experience.

Oh yeah, Anne Burford was formally known as
Anne Gorsuch Burford. Yes, that Gorsuch. She was Justice Neil Gorsuch's mom.

If and when the Barr contempt citation reaches the Supreme Court, will Justice Gorsuch recuse? As I am wont to ask, does a bear poop in a tree?

2. The second question is how long will this take? The answer: It depends.

The Burford contempt issue was resolved in less than a year, because the parties settled after Burford lost in the District Court. But even in the event of a District Court victory, can this House overcome Trump's stonewalling strategy and get the testimony and documents before the end of the 2020 campaign?

The next White House contemnor was Harriet Miers, President Bush's former White House Counsel. She was found to be in contempt of Congress in connection with the House investigation regarding the Bush firing of nine U.S. Attorneys. When she refused to obey a subpoena, the House sued on March 10, 2008, and it took the District Court five months to decide, in favor of congress. The government of course then appealed the decision to the Circuit Court of Appeals, which refused to expedite the case. Ultimately, the court  concluded the case was moot because Congress expired in January 2009!

Next up was Attorney General Eric Holder who battled with Congress over the "Fast and Furious" investigation. When negotiations failed, he complied with President Obama's assertion of Executive Privilege and refused to produce the documents in question. Holder was found in contempt of Congress on June, 2012. The chronology of that case is an appalling model for the success of stonewalling:

 The House commenced a civil action in August 2012, and the government's motion to dismiss the House suit was denied more than a year later, on September 30, 2013. The parties' motions for summary judgment were decided in another year, on August 2014. It took yet another year and a half before the House to win a court order, in January 2016, directing Holder to produce documents. No surprise, Holder appealed and in January 2017, the court held the matter in abeyance pending settlement negotiations with the Trump administration! Time elapsed: 4.5+ years.

On the other hand, in 1973, when Judge Sirica rejected President Nixon's Executive Privilege defense and ordered him to turn over the tapes, the President's appeal to the Circuit Court went directly to the Supremes via some legal rule I don't dare try to explain, and the historic decision that led to Nixon's resignation was rendered within 90 days of the District Court decision.

Conclusion: The judicial remedy for Trump's stonewalling is available and it can be accomplished expeditiously. Both sides have obviously prepared for this battle, and could file briefs tomorrow. There is no good reason for litigation delay. If the courts fail us, Trump's delay tactics will have proved to be a winning strategy, and the Constitution will have incurred a major dent. 

Will the judiciary act act apolitically and efficiently? I have my fears and my doubts.

A more succinct version of this rant has just been published in Time.com


A bientot.

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